From: <Saved by Microsoft Internet Explorer 5>
Subject: Broken Windows - 82.03
Date: Thu, 8 Feb 2001 13:41:53 -0500
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    <TD vAlign=3Dtop align=3Dleft width=3D380><FONT size=3D4>March =
1982</FONT>
      <P>
      <CENTER>
      <H1>Broken Windows </H1></CENTER>
      <P>
      <CENTER><B><I>The police and neighborhood safety</I><BR><BR>by =
James Q.=20
      Wilson and George L. Kelling</B></CENTER><BR><FONT =
size=3D5>I</FONT>n the=20
      mid-l970s The State of New Jersey announced a "Safe and Clean=20
      Neighborhoods Program," designed to improve the quality of =
community life=20
      in twenty-eight cities. As part of that program, the state =
provided money=20
      to help cities take police officers out of their patrol cars and =
assign=20
      them to walking beats. The governor and other state officials were =

      enthusiastic about using foot patrol as a way of cutting crime, =
but many=20
      police chiefs were skeptical. Foot patrol, in their eyes, had been =
pretty=20
      much discredited. It reduced the mobility of the police, who thus =
had=20
      difficulty responding to citizen calls for service, and it =
weakened=20
      headquarters control over patrol officers.
      <P>Many police officers also disliked foot patrol, but for =
different=20
      reasons: it was hard work, it kept them outside on cold, rainy =
nights, and=20
      it reduced their chances for making a "good pinch." In some =
departments,=20
      assigning officers to foot patrol had been used as a form of =
punishment.=20
      And academic experts on policing doubted that foot patrol would =
have any=20
      impact on crime rates; it was, in the opinion of most, little more =
than a=20
      sop to public opinion. But since the state was paying for it, the =
local=20
      authorities were willing to go along.
      <P>Five years after the program started, the Police Foundation, in =

      Washington, D.C., published an evaluation of the foot-patrol =
project.=20
      Based on its analysis of a carefully controlled experiment carried =
out=20
      chiefly in Newark, the foundation concluded, to the surprise of =
hardly=20
      anyone, that foot patrol had not reduced crime rates. But =
residents of the=20
      foot patrolled neighborhoods seemed to feel more secure than =
persons in=20
      other areas, tended to believe that crime had been reduced, and =
seemed to=20
      take fewer steps to protect themselves from crime (staying at home =
with=20
      the doors locked, for example). Moreover, citizens in the =
foot-patrol=20
      areas had a more favorable opinion of the police than did those =
living=20
      elsewhere. And officers walking beats had higher morale, greater =
job=20
      satisfaction, and a more favorable attitude toward citizens in =
their=20
      neighborhoods than did officers assigned to patrol cars.
      <P>These findings may be taken as evidence that the skeptics were =
right-=20
      foot patrol has no effect on crime; it merely fools the citizens =
into=20
      thinking that they are safer. But in our view, and in the view of =
the=20
      authors of the Police Foundation study (of whom Kelling was one), =
the=20
      citizens of Newark were not fooled at all. They knew what the =
foot-patrol=20
      officers were doing, they knew it was different from what =
motorized=20
      officers do, and they knew that having officers walk beats did in =
fact=20
      make their neighborhoods safer.
      <P>But how can a neighborhood be "safer" when the crime rate has =
not gone=20
      down--in fact, may have gone up? Finding the answer requires first =
that we=20
      understand what most often frightens people in public places. Many =

      citizens, of course, are primarily frightened by crime, especially =
crime=20
      involving a sudden, violent attack by a stranger. This risk is =
very real,=20
      in Newark as in many large cities. But we tend to overlook another =
source=20
      of fear--the fear of being bothered by disorderly people. Not =
violent=20
      people, nor, necessarily, criminals, but disreputable or =
obstreperous or=20
      unpredictable people: panhandlers, drunks, addicts, rowdy =
teenagers,=20
      prostitutes, loiterers, the mentally disturbed.
      <P>What foot-patrol officers did was to elevate, to the extent =
they could,=20
      the level of public order in these neighborhoods. Though the =
neighborhoods=20
      were predominantly black and the foot patrolmen were mostly white, =
this=20
      "order-maintenance" function of the police was performed to the =
general=20
      satisfaction of both parties.
      <P>One of us (Kelling) spent many hours walking with Newark =
foot-patrol=20
      officers to see how they defined "order" and what they did to =
maintain it.=20
      One beat was typical: a busy but dilapidated area in the heart of =
Newark,=20
      with many abandoned buildings, marginal shops (several of which=20
      prominently displayed knives and straight-edged razors in their =
windows),=20
      one large department store, and, most important, a train station =
and=20
      several major bus stops. Though the area was run-down, its streets =
were=20
      filled with people, because it was a major transportation center. =
The good=20
      order of this area was important not only to those who lived and =
worked=20
      there but also to many others, who had to move through it on their =
way=20
      home, to supermarkets, or to factories.
      <P>The people on the street were primarily black; the officer who =
walked=20
      the street was white. The people were made up of "regulars" and=20
      "strangers." Regulars included both "decent folk" and some drunks =
and=20
      derelicts who were always there but who "knew their place." =
Strangers=20
      were, well, strangers, and viewed suspiciously, sometimes =
apprehensively.=20
      The officer--call him Kelly--knew who the regulars were, and they =
knew=20
      him. As he saw his job, he was to keep an eye on strangers, and =
make=20
      certain that the disreputable regulars observed some informal but =
widely=20
      understood rules. Drunks and addicts could sit on the stoops, but =
could=20
      not lie down. People could drink on side streets, but not at the =
main=20
      intersection. Bottles had to be in paper bags. Talking to, =
bothering, or=20
      begging from people waiting at the bus stop was strictly =
forbidden. If a=20
      dispute erupted between a businessman and a customer, the =
businessman was=20
      assumed to be right, especially if the customer was a stranger. If =
a=20
      stranger loitered, Kelly would ask him if he had any means of =
support and=20
      what his business was; if he gave unsatisfactory answers, he was =
sent on=20
      his way. Persons who broke the informal rules, especially those =
who=20
      bothered people waiting at bus stops, were arrested for vagrancy. =
Noisy=20
      teenagers were told to keep quiet.
      <P>These rules were defined and enforced in collaboration with the =

      "regulars" on the street. Another neighborhood might have =
different rules,=20
      but these, everybody understood, were the rules for <I>this</I>=20
      neighborhood. If someone violated them, the regulars not only =
turned to=20
      Kelly for help but also ridiculed the violator. Sometimes what =
Kelly did=20
      could be described as "enforcing the law," but just as often it =
involved=20
      taking informal or extralegal steps to help protect what the =
neighborhood=20
      had decided was the appropriate level of public order. Some of the =
things=20
      he did probably would not withstand a legal challenge.
      <P>A determined skeptic might acknowledge that a skilled =
foot-patrol=20
      officer can maintain order but still insist that this sort of =
"order" has=20
      little to do with the real sources of community fear--that is, =
with=20
      violent crime. To a degree, that is true. But two things must be =
borne in=20
      mind. First, outside observers should not assume that they know =
how much=20
      of the anxiety now endemic in many big-city neighborhoods stems =
from a=20
      fear of "real" crime and how much from a sense that the street is=20
      disorderly, a source of distasteful, worrisome encounters. The =
people of=20
      Newark, to judge from their behavior and their remarks to =
interviewers,=20
      apparently assign a high value to public order, and feel relieved =
and=20
      reassured when the police help them maintain that order.
      <P><BR><BR><FONT size=3D5>S</FONT>econd, at the community level, =
disorder=20
      and crime are usually inextricably linked, in a kind of =
developmental=20
      sequence. Social psychologists and police officers tend to agree =
that if a=20
      window in a building is broken and is left unrepaired, all the =
rest of the=20
      windows will soon be broken. This is as true in nice neighborhoods =
as in=20
      rundown ones. Window-breaking does not necessarily occur on a =
large scale=20
      because some areas are inhabited by determined window-breakers =
whereas=20
      others are populated by window-lovers; rather, one unrepaired =
broken=20
      window is a signal that no one cares, and so breaking more windows =
costs=20
      nothing. (It has always been fun.)
      <P>Philip Zimbardo, a Stanford psychologist, reported in 1969 on =
some=20
      experiments testing the broken-window theory. He arranged to have =
an=20
      automobile without license plates parked with its hood up on a =
street in=20
      the Bronx and a comparable automobile on a street in Palo Alto,=20
      California. The car in the Bronx was attacked by "vandals" within =
ten=20
      minutes of its "abandonment." The first to arrive were a =
family--father,=20
      mother, and young son--who removed the radiator and battery. =
Within=20
      twenty-four hours, virtually everything of value had been removed. =
Then=20
      random destruction began--windows were smashed, parts torn off, =
upholstery=20
      ripped. Children began to use the car as a playground. Most of the =
adult=20
      "vandals" were well-dressed, apparently clean-cut whites. The car =
in Palo=20
      Alto sat untouched for more than a week. Then Zimbardo smashed =
part of it=20
      with a sledgehammer. Soon, passersby were joining in. Within a few =
hours,=20
      the car had been turned upside down and utterly destroyed. Again, =
the=20
      "vandals" appeared to be primarily respectable whites.
      <P>Untended property becomes fair game for people out for fun or =
plunder=20
      and even for people who ordinarily would not dream of doing such =
things=20
      and who probably consider themselves law-abiding. Because of the =
nature of=20
      community life in the Bronx--its anonymity, the frequency with =
which cars=20
      are abandoned and things are stolen or broken, the past experience =
of "no=20
      one caring"--vandalism begins much more quickly than it does in =
staid Palo=20
      Alto, where people have come to believe that private possessions =
are cared=20
      for, and that mischievous behavior is costly. But vandalism can =
occur=20
      anywhere once communal barriers--the sense of mutual regard and =
the=20
      obligations of civility--are lowered by actions that seem to =
signal that=20
      "no one cares."
      <P>We suggest that "untended" behavior also leads to the breakdown =
of=20
      community controls. A stable neighborhood of families who care for =
their=20
      homes, mind each other's children, and confidently frown on =
unwanted=20
      intruders can change, in a few years or even a few months, to an=20
      inhospitable and frightening jungle. A piece of property is =
abandoned,=20
      weeds grow up, a window is smashed. Adults stop scolding rowdy =
children;=20
      the children, emboldened, become more rowdy. Families move out, =
unattached=20
      adults move in. Teenagers gather in front of the corner store. The =

      merchant asks them to move; they refuse. Fights occur. Litter =
accumulates.=20
      People start drinking in front of the grocery; in time, an =
inebriate=20
      slumps to the sidewalk and is allowed to sleep it off. Pedestrians =
are=20
      approached by panhandlers.
      <P>At this point it is not inevitable that serious crime will =
flourish or=20
      violent attacks on strangers will occur. But many residents will =
think=20
      that crime, especially violent crime, is on the rise, and they =
will modify=20
      their behavior accordingly. They will use the streets less often, =
and when=20
      on the streets will stay apart from their fellows, moving with =
averted=20
      eyes, silent lips, and hurried steps. "Don't get involved." For =
some=20
      residents, this growing atomization will matter little, because =
the=20
      neighborhood is not their "home" but "the place where they live." =
Their=20
      interests are elsewhere; they are cosmopolitans. But it will =
matter=20
      greatly to other people, whose lives derive meaning and =
satisfaction from=20
      local attachments rather than worldly involvement; for them, the=20
      neighborhood will cease to exist except for a few reliable friends =
whom=20
      they arrange to meet.
      <P>Such an area is vulnerable to criminal invasion. Though it is =
not=20
      inevitable, it is more likely that here, rather than in places =
where=20
      people are confident they can regulate public behavior by informal =

      controls, drugs will change hands, prostitutes will solicit, and =
cars will=20
      be stripped. That the drunks will be robbed by boys who do it as a =
lark,=20
      and the prostitutes' customers will be robbed by men who do it=20
      purposefully and perhaps violently. That muggings will occur.
      <P>Among those who often find it difficult to move away from this =
are the=20
      elderly. Surveys of citizens suggest that the elderly are much =
less likely=20
      to be the victims of crime than younger persons, and some have =
inferred=20
      from this that the well-known fear of crime voiced by the elderly =
is an=20
      exaggeration: perhaps we ought not to design special programs to =
protect=20
      older persons; perhaps we should even try to talk them out of =
their=20
      mistaken fears. This argument misses the point. The prospect of a=20
      confrontation with an obstreperous teenager or a drunken =
panhandler can be=20
      as fear-inducing for defenseless persons as the prospect of =
meeting an=20
      actual robber; indeed, to a defenseless person, the two kinds of=20
      confrontation are often indistinguishable. Moreover, the lower =
rate at=20
      which the elderly are victimized is a measure of the steps they =
have=20
      already taken--chiefly, staying behind locked doors--to minimize =
the risks=20
      they face. Young men are more frequently attacked than older =
women, not=20
      because they are easier or more lucrative targets but because they =
are on=20
      the streets more.
      <P>Nor is the connection between disorderliness and fear made only =
by the=20
      elderly. Susan Estrich, of the Harvard Law School, has recently =
gathered=20
      together a number of surveys on the sources of public fear. One, =
done in=20
      Portland, Oregon, indicated that three fourths of the adults =
interviewed=20
      cross to the other side of a street when they see a gang of =
teenagers;=20
      another survey, in Baltimore, discovered that nearly half would =
cross the=20
      street to avoid even a single strange youth. When an interviewer =
asked=20
      people in a housing project where the most dangerous spot was, =
they=20
      mentioned a place where young persons gathered to drink and play =
music,=20
      despite the fact that not a single crime had occurred there. In =
Boston=20
      public housing projects, the greatest fear was expressed by =
persons living=20
      in the buildings where disorderliness and incivility, not crime, =
were the=20
      greatest. Knowing this helps one understand the significance of =
such=20
      otherwise harmless displays as subway graffiti. As Nathan Glazer =
has=20
      written, the proliferation of graffiti, even when not obscene, =
confronts=20
      the subway rider with the inescapable knowledge that the =
environment he=20
      must endure for an hour or more a day is uncontrolled and =
uncontrollable,=20
      and that anyone can invade it to do whatever damage and mischief =
the mind=20
      suggests."
      <P>In response to fear people avoid one another, weakening =
controls.=20
      Sometimes they call the police. Patrol cars arrive, an occasional =
arrest=20
      occurs but crime continues and disorder is not abated. Citizens =
complain=20
      to the police chief, but he explains that his department is low on =

      personnel and that the courts do not punish petty or first-time =
offenders.=20
      To the residents, the police who arrive in squad cars are either=20
      ineffective or uncaring: to the police, the residents are animals =
who=20
      deserve each other. The citizens may soon stop calling the police, =
because=20
      "they can't do anything."
      <P>The process we call urban decay has occurred for centuries in =
every=20
      city. But what is happening today is different in at least two =
important=20
      respects. First, in the period before, say, World War II, city =
dwellers-=20
      because of money costs, transportation difficulties, familial and =
church=20
      connections--could rarely move away from neighborhood problems. =
When=20
      movement did occur, it tended to be along public-transit routes. =
Now=20
      mobility has become exceptionally easy for all but the poorest or =
those=20
      who are blocked by racial prejudice. Earlier crime waves had a =
kind of=20
      built-in self-correcting mechanism: the determination of a =
neighborhood or=20
      community to reassert control over its turf. Areas in Chicago, New =
York,=20
      and Boston would experience crime and gang wars, and then normalcy =
would=20
      return, as the families for whom no alternative residences were =
possible=20
      reclaimed their authority over the streets.
      <P>Second, the police in this earlier period assisted in that =
reassertion=20
      of authority by acting, sometimes violently, on behalf of the =
community.=20
      Young toughs were roughed up, people were arrested "on suspicion" =
or for=20
      vagrancy, and prostitutes and petty thieves were routed. "Rights" =
were=20
      something enjoyed by decent folk, and perhaps also by the serious=20
      professional criminal, who avoided violence and could afford a =
lawyer.
      <P>This pattern of policing was not an aberration or the result of =

      occasional excess. From the earliest days of the nation, the =
police=20
      function was seen primarily as that of a night watchman: to =
maintain order=20
      against the chief threats to order--fire, wild animals, and =
disreputable=20
      behavior. Solving crimes was viewed not as a police responsibility =
but as=20
      a private one. In the March, 1969, Atlantic, one of us (Wilson) =
wrote a=20
      brief account of how the police role had slowly changed from =
maintaining=20
      order to fighting crimes. The change began with the creation of =
private=20
      detectives (often ex-criminals), who worked on a contingency-fee =
basis for=20
      individuals who had suffered losses. In time, the detectives were =
absorbed=20
      in municipal agencies and paid a regular salary simultaneously, =
the=20
      responsibility for prosecuting thieves was shifted from the =
aggrieved=20
      private citizen to the professional prosecutor. This process was =
not=20
      complete in most places until the twentieth century.
      <P>In the l960s, when urban riots were a major problem, social =
scientists=20
      began to explore carefully the order maintenance function of the =
police,=20
      and to suggest ways of improving it--not to make streets safer =
(its=20
      original function) but to reduce the incidence of mass violence. =
Order=20
      maintenance became, to a degree, coterminous with "community =
relations."=20
      But, as the crime wave that began in the early l960s continued =
without=20
      abatement throughout the decade and into the 1970s, attention =
shifted to=20
      the role of the police as crime-fighters. Studies of police =
behavior=20
      ceased, by and large, to be accounts of the order-maintenance =
function and=20
      became, instead, efforts to propose and test ways whereby the =
police could=20
      solve more crimes, make more arrests, and gather better evidence. =
If these=20
      things could be done, social scientists assumed, citizens would be =
less=20
      fearful.
      <P>A great deal was accomplished during this transition, as both =
police=20
      chiefs and outside experts emphasized the crime-fighting function =
in their=20
      plans, in the allocation of resources, and in deployment of =
personnel. The=20
      police may well have become better crime-fighters as a result. And =

      doubtless they remained aware of their responsibility for order. =
But the=20
      link between order-maintenance and crime-prevention, so obvious to =
earlier=20
      generations, was forgotten.
      <P>That link is similar to the process whereby one broken window =
becomes=20
      many. The citizen who fears the ill-smelling drunk, the rowdy =
teenager, or=20
      the importuning beggar is not merely expressing his distaste for =
unseemly=20
      behavior; he is also giving voice to a bit of folk wisdom that =
happens to=20
      be a correct generalization--namely, that serious street crime =
flourishes=20
      in areas in which disorderly behavior goes unchecked. The =
unchecked=20
      panhandler is, in effect, the first broken window. Muggers and =
robbers,=20
      whether opportunistic or professional, believe they reduce their =
chances=20
      of being caught or even identified if they operate on streets =
where=20
      potential victims are already intimidated by prevailing =
conditions. If the=20
      neighborhood cannot keep a bothersome panhandler from annoying =
passersby,=20
      the thief may reason, it is even less likely to call the police to =

      identify a potential mugger or to interfere if the mugging =
actually takes=20
      place.
      <P>Some police administrators concede that this process occurs, =
but argue=20
      that motorized-patrol officers can deal with it as effectively as =
foot=20
      patrol officers. We are not so sure. In theory, an officer in a =
squad car=20
      can observe as much as an officer on foot; in theory, the former =
can talk=20
      to as many people as the latter. But the reality of police-citizen =

      encounters is powerfully altered by the automobile. An officer on =
foot=20
      cannot separate himself from the street people; if he is =
approached, only=20
      his uniform and his personality can help him manage whatever is =
about to=20
      happen. And he can never be certain what that will be--a request =
for=20
      directions, a plea for help, an angry denunciation, a teasing =
remark, a=20
      confused babble, a threatening gesture.
      <P>In a car, an officer is more likely to deal with street people =
by=20
      rolling down the window and looking at them. The door and the =
window=20
      exclude the approaching citizen; they are a barrier. Some officers =
take=20
      advantage of this barrier, perhaps unconsciously, by acting =
differently if=20
      in the car than they would on foot. We have seen this countless =
times. The=20
      police car pulls up to a corner where teenagers are gathered. The =
window=20
      is rolled down. The officer stares at the youths. They stare back. =
The=20
      officer says to one, "C'mere." He saunters over, conveying to his =
friends=20
      by his elaborately casual style the idea that he is not =
intimidated by=20
      authority. What's your name?" "Chuck." "Chuck who?" "Chuck Jones." =

      "What'ya doing, Chuck?" "Nothin'." "Got a P.O. [parole officer]?" =
"Nah."=20
      "Sure?" "Yeah." "Stay out of trouble, Chuckie." Meanwhile, the =
other boys=20
      laugh and exchange comments among themselves, probably at the =
officer's=20
      expense. The officer stares harder. He cannot be certain what is =
being=20
      said, nor can he join in and, by displaying his own skill at =
street=20
      banter, prove that he cannot be "put down." In the process, the =
officer=20
      has learned almost nothing, and the boys have decided the officer =
is an=20
      alien force who can safely be disregarded, even mocked.
      <P>Our experience is that most citizens like to talk to a police =
officer.=20
      Such exchanges give them a sense of importance, provide them with =
the=20
      basis for gossip, and allow them to explain to the authorities =
what is=20
      worrying them (whereby they gain a modest but significant sense of =
having=20
      "done something" about the problem). You approach a person on foot =
more=20
      easily, and talk to him more readily, than you do a person in a =
car.=20
      Moreover, you can more easily retain some anonymity if you draw an =
officer=20
      aside for a private chat. Suppose you want to pass on a tip about =
who is=20
      stealing handbags, or who offered to sell you a stolen TV. In the =
inner=20
      city, the culprit, in all likelihood, lives nearby. To walk up to =
a marked=20
      patrol car and lean in the window is to convey a visible signal =
that you=20
      are a "fink."
      <P>The essence of the police role in maintaining order is to =
reinforce the=20
      informal control mechanisms of the community itself. The police =
cannot,=20
      without committing extraordinary resources, provide a substitute =
for that=20
      informal control. On the other hand, to reinforce those natural =
forces the=20
      police must accommodate them. And therein lies the problem.
      <P><BR><BR><FONT size=3D5>S</FONT>hould police activity on the =
street be=20
      shaped, in important ways, by the standards of the neighborhood =
rather=20
      than by the rules of the state? Over the past two decades, the =
shift of=20
      police from order-maintenance to law enforcement has brought them=20
      increasingly under the influence of legal restrictions, provoked =
by media=20
      complaints and enforced by court decisions and departmental =
orders. As a=20
      consequence, the order maintenance functions of the police are now =

      governed by rules developed to control police relations with =
suspected=20
      criminals. This is, we think, an entirely new development. For =
centuries,=20
      the role of the police as watchmen was judged primarily not in =
terms of=20
      its compliance with appropriate procedures but rather in terms of =
its=20
      attaining a desired objective. The objective was order, an =
inherently=20
      ambiguous term but a condition that people in a given community =
recognized=20
      when they saw it. The means were the same as those the community =
itself=20
      would employ, if its members were sufficiently determined, =
courageous, and=20
      authoritative. Detecting and apprehending criminals, by contrast, =
was a=20
      means to an end, not an end in itself; a judicial determination of =
guilt=20
      or innocence was the hoped-for result of the law-enforcement mode. =
From=20
      the first, the police were expected to follow rules defining that =
process,=20
      though states differed in how stringent the rules should be. The=20
      criminal-apprehension process was always understood to involve =
individual=20
      rights, the violation of which was unacceptable because it meant =
that the=20
      violating officer would be acting as a judge and jury--and that =
was not=20
      his job. Guilt or innocence was to be determined by universal =
standards=20
      under special procedures.
      <P>Ordinarily, no judge or jury ever sees the persons caught up in =
a=20
      dispute over the appropriate level of neighborhood order. That is =
true not=20
      only because most cases are handled informally on the street but =
also=20
      because no universal standards are available to settle arguments =
over=20
      disorder, and thus a judge may not be any wiser or more effective =
than a=20
      police officer. Until quite recently in many states, and even =
today in=20
      some places, the police made arrests on such charges as =
"suspicious=20
      person" or "vagrancy" or "public drunkenness"--charges with =
scarcely any=20
      legal meaning. These charges exist not because society wants =
judges to=20
      punish vagrants or drunks but because it wants an officer to have =
the=20
      legal tools to remove undesirable persons from a neighborhood when =

      informal efforts to preserve order in the streets have failed.
      <P>Once we begin to think of all aspects of police work as =
involving the=20
      application of universal rules under special procedures, we =
inevitably ask=20
      what constitutes an "undesirable person" and why we should =
"criminalize"=20
      vagrancy or drunkenness. A strong and commendable desire to see =
that=20
      people are treated fairly makes us worry about allowing the police =
to rout=20
      persons who are undesirable by some vague or parochial standard. A =
growing=20
      and not-so-commendable utilitarianism leads us to doubt that any =
behavior=20
      that does not "hurt" another person should be made illegal. And =
thus many=20
      of us who watch over the police are reluctant to allow them to =
perform, in=20
      the only way they can, a function that every neighborhood =
desperately=20
      wants them to perform.
      <P>This wish to "decriminalize" disreputable behavior that "harms =
no one"-=20
      and thus remove the ultimate sanction the police can employ to =
maintain=20
      neighborhood order--is, we think, a mistake. Arresting a single =
drunk or a=20
      single vagrant who has harmed no identifiable person seems unjust, =
and in=20
      a sense it is. But failing to do anything about a score of drunks =
or a=20
      hundred vagrants may destroy an entire community. A particular =
rule that=20
      seems to make sense in the individual case makes no sense when it =
is made=20
      a universal rule and applied to all cases. It makes no sense =
because it=20
      fails to take into account the connection between one broken =
window left=20
      untended and a thousand broken windows. Of course, agencies other =
than the=20
      police could attend to the problems posed by drunks or the =
mentally ill,=20
      but in most communities especially where the =
"deinstitutionalization"=20
      movement has been strong--they do not.
      <P>The concern about equity is more serious. We might agree that =
certain=20
      behavior makes one person more undesirable than another but how do =
we=20
      ensure that age or skin color or national origin or harmless =
mannerisms=20
      will not also become the basis for distinguishing the undesirable =
from the=20
      desirable? How do we ensure, in short, that the police do not =
become the=20
      agents of neighborhood bigotry?
      <P>We can offer no wholly satisfactory answer to this important =
question.=20
      We are not confident that there is a satisfactory answer except to =
hope=20
      that by their selection, training, and supervision, the police =
will be=20
      inculcated with a clear sense of the outer limit of their =
discretionary=20
      authority. That limit, roughly, is this--the police exist to help =
regulate=20
      behavior, not to maintain the racial or ethnic purity of a =
neighborhood.
      <P>Consider the case of the Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago, one of =
the=20
      largest public-housing projects in the country. It is home for =
nearly=20
      20,000 people, all black, and extends over ninety-two acres along =
South=20
      State Street. It was named after a distinguished black who had =
been,=20
      during the 1940s, chairman of the Chicago Housing Authority. Not =
long=20
      after it opened, in 1962, relations between project residents and =
the=20
      police deteriorated badly. The citizens felt that the police were=20
      insensitive or brutal; the police, in turn, complained of =
unprovoked=20
      attacks on them. Some Chicago officers tell of times when they =
were afraid=20
      to enter the Homes. Crime rates soared.
      <P>Today, the atmosphere has changed. Police-citizen relations =
have=20
      improved--apparently, both sides learned something from the =
earlier=20
      experience. Recently, a boy stole a purse and ran off. Several =
young=20
      persons who saw the theft voluntarily passed along to the police=20
      information on the identity and residence of the thief, and they =
did this=20
      publicly, with friends and neighbors looking on. But problems =
persist,=20
      chief among them the presence of youth gangs that terrorize =
residents and=20
      recruit members in the project. The people expect the police to =
"do=20
      something" about this, and the police are determined to do just =
that.
      <P>But do what? Though the police can obviously make arrests =
whenever a=20
      gang member breaks the law, a gang can form, recruit, and =
congregate=20
      without breaking the law. And only a tiny fraction of gang-related =
crimes=20
      can be solved by an arrest; thus, if an arrest is the only =
recourse for=20
      the police, the residents' fears will go unassuaged. The police =
will soon=20
      feel helpless, and the residents will again believe that the =
police "do=20
      nothing." What the police in fact do is to chase known gang =
members out of=20
      the project. In the words of one officer, "We kick ass." Project =
residents=20
      both know and approve of this. The tacit police-citizen alliance =
in the=20
      project is reinforced by the police view that the cops and the =
gangs are=20
      the two rival sources of power in the area, and that the gangs are =
not=20
      going to win.
      <P>None of this is easily reconciled with any conception of due =
process or=20
      fair treatment. Since both residents and gang members are black, =
race is=20
      not a factor. But it could be. Suppose a white project confronted =
a black=20
      gang, or vice versa. We would be apprehensive about the police =
taking=20
      sides. But the substantive problem remains the same: how can the =
police=20
      strengthen the informal social-control mechanisms of natural =
communities=20
      in order to minimize fear in public places? Law enforcement, per =
se, is no=20
      answer: a gang can weaken or destroy a community by standing about =
in a=20
      menacing fashion and speaking rudely to passersby without breaking =
the=20
law.
      <P><BR><BR><FONT size=3D5>W</FONT>e have difficulty thinking about =
such=20
      matters, not simply because the ethical and legal issues are so =
complex=20
      but because we have become accustomed to thinking of the law in=20
      essentially individualistic terms. The law defines <I>my</I> =
rights,=20
      punishes <I>his</I> behavior and is applied by <I>that</I> officer =
because=20
      of <I>this</I> harm. We assume, in thinking this way, that what is =
good=20
      for the individual will be good for the community and what doesn't =
matter=20
      when it happens to one person won't matter if it happens to many.=20
      Ordinarily, those are plausible assumptions. But in cases where =
behavior=20
      that is tolerable to one person is intolerable to many others, the =

      reactions of the others--fear, withdrawal, flight--may ultimately =
make=20
      matters worse for everyone, including the individual who first =
professed=20
      his indifference.
      <P>It may be their greater sensitivity to communal as opposed to=20
      individual needs that helps explain why the residents of small =
communities=20
      are more satisfied with their police than are the residents of =
similar=20
      neighborhoods in big cities. Elinor Ostrom and her co-workers at =
Indiana=20
      University compared the perception of police services in two poor, =

      all-black Illinois towns--Phoenix and East Chicago Heights with =
those of=20
      three comparable all-black neighborhoods in Chicago. The level of =
criminal=20
      victimization and the quality of police-community relations =
appeared to be=20
      about the same in the towns and the Chicago neighborhoods. But the =

      citizens living in their own villages were much more likely than =
those=20
      living in the Chicago neighborhoods to say that they do not stay =
at home=20
      for fear of crime, to agree that the local police have "the right =
to take=20
      any action necessary" to deal with problems, and to agree that the =
police=20
      "look out for the needs of the average citizen." It is possible =
that the=20
      residents and the police of the small towns saw themselves as =
engaged in a=20
      collaborative effort to maintain a certain standard of communal =
life,=20
      whereas those of the big city felt themselves to be simply =
requesting and=20
      supplying particular services on an individual basis.
      <P>If this is true, how should a wise police chief deploy his =
meager=20
      forces? The first answer is that nobody knows for certain, and the =
most=20
      prudent course of action would be to try further variations on the =
Newark=20
      experiment, to see more precisely what works in what kinds of=20
      neighborhoods. The second answer is also a hedge--many aspects of =
order=20
      maintenance in neighborhoods can probably best be handled in ways =
that=20
      involve the police minimally if at all. A busy bustling shopping =
center=20
      and a quiet, well-tended suburb may need almost no visible police=20
      presence. In both cases, the ratio of respectable to disreputable =
people=20
      is ordinarily so high as to make informal social control =
effective.
      <P>Even in areas that are in jeopardy from disorderly elements, =
citizen=20
      action without substantial police involvement may be sufficient. =
Meetings=20
      between teenagers who like to hang out on a particular corner and =
adults=20
      who want to use that corner might well lead to an amicable =
agreement on a=20
      set of rules about how many people can be allowed to congregate, =
where,=20
      and when.
      <P>Where no understanding is possible--or if possible, not=20
      observed--citizen patrols may be a sufficient response. There are =
two=20
      traditions of communal involvement in maintaining order: One, that =
of the=20
      "community watchmen," is as old as the first settlement of the New =
World.=20
      Until well into the nineteenth century, volunteer watchmen, not =
policemen,=20
      patrolled their communities to keep order. They did so, by and =
large,=20
      without taking the law into their own hands--without, that is, =
punishing=20
      persons or using force. Their presence deterred disorder or =
alerted the=20
      community to disorder that could not be deterred. There are =
hundreds of=20
      such efforts today in communities all across the nation. Perhaps =
the best=20
      known is that of the Guardian Angels, a group of unarmed young =
persons in=20
      distinctive berets and T-shirts, who first came to public =
attention when=20
      they began patrolling the New York City subways but who claim now =
to have=20
      chapters in more than thirty American cities. Unfortunately, we =
have=20
      little information about the effect of these groups on crime. It =
is=20
      possible, however, that whatever their effect on crime, citizens =
find=20
      their presence reassuring, and that they thus contribute to =
maintaining a=20
      sense of order and civility.
      <P>The second tradition is that of the "vigilante." Rarely a =
feature of=20
      the settled communities of the East, it was primarily to be found =
in those=20
      frontier towns that grew up in advance of the reach of government. =
More=20
      than 350 vigilante groups are known to have existed; their =
distinctive=20
      feature was that their members did take the law into their own =
hands, by=20
      acting as judge, jury, and often executioner as well as policeman. =
Today,=20
      the vigilante movement is conspicuous by its rarity, despite the =
great=20
      fear expressed by citizens that the older cities are becoming =
"urban=20
      frontiers." But some community-watchmen groups have skirted the =
line, and=20
      others may cross it in the future. An ambiguous case, reported in =
The Wall=20
      Street Journal involved a citizens' patrol in the Silver Lake area =
of=20
      Belleville, New Jersey. A leader told the reporter, "We look for=20
      outsiders." If a few teenagers from outside the neighborhood enter =
it, "we=20
      ask them their business," he said. "If they say they're going down =
the=20
      street to see Mrs. Jones, fine, we let them pass. But then we =
follow them=20
      down the block to make sure they're really going to see Mrs. =
Jones."
      <P><BR><BR><FONT size=3D5>T</FONT>hough citizens can do a great =
deal, the=20
      police are plainly the key to order maintenance. For one thing, =
many=20
      communities, such as the Robert Taylor Homes, cannot do the job by =

      themselves. For another, no citizen in a neighborhood, even an =
organized=20
      one, is likely to feel the sense of responsibility that wearing a =
badge=20
      confers. Psychologists have done many studies on why people fail =
to go to=20
      the aid of persons being attacked or seeking help, and they have =
learned=20
      that the cause is not "apathy" or "selfishness" but the absence of =
some=20
      plausible grounds for feeling that one must personally accept=20
      responsibility. Ironically, avoiding responsibility is easier when =
a lot=20
      of people are standing about. On streets and in public places, =
where order=20
      is so important, many people are likely to be "around," a fact =
that=20
      reduces the chance of any one person acting as the agent of the =
community.=20
      The police officer's uniform singles him out as a person who must =
accept=20
      responsibility if asked. In addition, officers, more easily than =
their=20
      fellow citizens, can be expected to distinguish between what is =
necessary=20
      to protect the safety of the street and what merely protects its =
ethnic=20
      purity.
      <P>But the police forces of America are losing, not gaining, =
members. Some=20
      cities have suffered substantial cuts in the number of officers =
available=20
      for duty. These cuts are not likely to be reversed in the near =
future.=20
      Therefore, each department must assign its existing officers with =
great=20
      care. Some neighborhoods are so demoralized and crime-ridden as to =
make=20
      foot patrol useless; the best the police can do with limited =
resources is=20
      respond to the enormous number of calls for service. Other =
neighborhoods=20
      are so stable and serene as to make foot patrol unnecessary. The =
key is to=20
      identify neighborhoods at the tipping point--where the public =
order is=20
      deteriorating but not unreclaimable, where the streets are used =
frequently=20
      but by apprehensive people, where a window is likely to be broken =
at any=20
      time, and must quickly be fixed if all are not to be shattered.
      <P>Most police departments do not have ways of systematically =
identifying=20
      such areas and assigning officers to them. Officers are assigned =
on the=20
      basis of crime rates (meaning that marginally threatened areas are =
often=20
      stripped so that police can investigate crimes in areas where the=20
      situation is hopeless) or on the basis of calls for service =
(despite the=20
      fact that most citizens do not call the police when they are =
merely=20
      frightened or annoyed). To allocate patrol wisely, the department =
must=20
      look at the neighborhoods and decide, from first-hand evidence, =
where an=20
      additional officer will make the greatest difference in promoting =
a sense=20
      of safety.
      <P>One way to stretch limited police resources is being tried in =
some=20
      public housing projects. Tenant organizations hire off-duty police =

      officers for patrol work in their buildings. The costs are not =
high (at=20
      least not per resident), the officer likes the additional income, =
and the=20
      residents feel safer. Such arrangements are probably more =
successful than=20
      hiring private watchmen, and the Newark experiment helps us =
understand=20
      why. A private security guard may deter crime or misconduct by his =

      presence, and he may go to the aid of persons needing help, but he =
may=20
      well not intervene--that is, control or drive away--someone =
challenging=20
      community standards. Being a sworn officer--a "real cop"--seems to =
give=20
      one the confidence, the sense of duty, and the aura of authority =
necessary=20
      to perform this difficult task.
      <P>Patrol officers might be encouraged to go to and from duty =
stations on=20
      public transportation and, while on the bus or subway car, enforce =
rules=20
      about smoking, drinking, disorderly conduct, and the like. The =
enforcement=20
      need involve nothing more than ejecting the offender (the offense, =
after=20
      all, is not one with which a booking officer or a judge wishes to =
be=20
      bothered). Perhaps the random but relentless maintenance of =
standards on=20
      buses would lead to conditions on buses that approximate the level =
of=20
      civility we now take for granted on airplanes.
      <P>But the most important requirement is to think that to maintain =
order=20
      in precarious situations is a vital job. The police know this is =
one of=20
      their functions, and they also believe, correctly, that it cannot =
be done=20
      to the exclusion of criminal investigation and responding to =
calls. We may=20
      have encouraged them to suppose, however, on the basis of our =
oft-repeated=20
      concerns about serious, violent crime, that they will be judged=20
      exclusively on their capacity as crime-fighters. To the extent =
that this=20
      is the case, police administrators will continue to concentrate =
police=20
      personnel in the highest-crime areas (though not necessarily in =
the areas=20
      most vulnerable to criminal invasion), emphasize their training in =
the law=20
      and criminal apprehension (and not their training in managing =
street=20
      life), and join too quickly in campaigns to decriminalize =
"harmless"=20
      behavior (though public drunkenness, street prostitution, and =
pornographic=20
      displays can destroy a community more quickly than any team of=20
      professional burglars).
      <P>Above all, we must return to our long-abandoned view that the =
police=20
      ought to protect communities as well as individuals. Our crime =
statistics=20
      and victimization surveys measure individual losses, but they do =
not=20
      measure communal losses. Just as physicians now recognize the =
importance=20
      of fostering health rather than simply treating illness, so the=20
      police--and the rest of us--ought to recognize the importance of=20
      maintaining, intact, communities without broken windows.=20
      <P>
      <HR noShade SIZE=3D1>
      <FONT size=3D1><I>Copyright 1982 by James Q. Wilson and George L. =
Kelling.=20
      All rights reserved.</I> <BR>The Atlantic Monthly; <I>March 1982; =
Broken=20
      Windows; Volume 249, No. 3; pages 29-38.</I></FONT> <BR></TD></TR>
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